In the Awajún worldview, the forest represents the supernatural orchard of Shakaim, the brother or husband of the earth mother, Nugkui. In this cosmology, Nugkui replaced Shakaim's original forest creatures with the arable species that he gifted to the Awajún people (Descola, 2005). Consequently, agriculture for the Awajún moves beyond simple subsistence. The Awajún are understood to share a natural world that is animated and inhabited by spiritual entities, and communication with these entities takes place through songs, rituals, and dreams (Brown 1984:134).

The topography of the Awajún territory, as well as that of the Wampis territory, is basically tropical rainforest with high hills and a few undulating alluvial lands. The highlands mark the slopes between rivers and streams and are of low fertility. However, the floodplains leave a layer of silt in the dry season that is very favourable for cultivation (Regan, 2007).

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The Awajún and Wampis territories are primarily characterized by tropical rainforest, featuring high hills and undulating alluvial plains. The highlands mark the slopes between rivers and streams and are of low fertility. However, the seasonal deposit of silt on the floodplains during the dry season creates highly favorable conditions for agriculture (Regan, 2007).

Historically, the Jíbaro peoples—specifically the Awajún and Wampis—have been characterized by the 'brave Indian' archetype, a reputation earned through their martial prowess, organizational skill, and fierce independence. This spirit of autonomy persists today as they continue to assert their political and territorial rights within the national framework of Peru. Since the promulgation of the 1974 law on native communities, and after intense demarcation and legalisation work, the Awajún and Wampis have succeeded in securing title to large territorial extensions in the form of native communities and communal reserves.

By formalizing their land rights, the Awajún and Wampis partially halted the advancement of the peasant colonization that arrived from the Peruvian highlands and coast from the 1960s onwards, and in many cases backed by the Peruvian government, who saw the jungle as a ''land without men for men without land." While formal recognition of Indigenous lands eventually stabilized the frontier and fostered the possibility of a more peaceful coexistence, new threats have emerged. Specifically, the rise of artisanal gold mining along the Cenepa and Santiago rivers has triggered unrest and social conflict within these communities.

Jíbaras are the traditional elliptical dwellings of the Awajún and Wampis, constructed from sustainable forest materials like pona for the walls and palm leaves that covered the raised roofs. Positioned on high ground near their crops, like cassava and other products, these houses contain a symbolic internal division between the males and females. As Brown (1984) notes, rather than a division of masculine and feminine, this was a symbolic differentiation between formal and informal activities.

The female area comprised the interior space of the house, which included beds, cooking cookers, masato jars, and the area where the animals circulated. In contrast, the men's section constituted the outside space of the house, intended to receive visitors, with seats and raised beds for young bachelors. The materials used in the construction of the houses are varied and can take a month to make, as Efraín tells us:

"These are the materials that were used in the elaboration of the traditional house. We look for shungo, hard logs that can last for years, and sometimes mature chonta wood. From those logs, we fit the beams and rafters, and then yarina or campanac leaves, which last 10 years, and are better than the yarina, which last about 4 to 5 years. Once the leaves are harvested and dried, we weave them together. Sometimes we do mingas to make a house, when there is food. A house can be built in a month, but if you have all the materials, you can do it quicker."

"A family with three women builds houses 15 by 8 metres, and those who don't, 4 by 2 metres. The roof is made of yarina or palmiche. They rarely used walls, but because there were jaguars around, they had to make the wall with the bark of palm trees, like chonta. Before, they used to do mingas to make the houses, sometimes on their own." ~Mariluz, community of San Antonio, Cenepa River.